Speech given to the Committee for Monetary Research
and Education
At
the Fall Meeting, 20th October 2011.
Before addressing the consequences of today’s
macro-economic policies I want to tell you my
philosophy. I support sound money for two very good
reasons:
1.
Firstly, it is a basic human right to choose to save,
without our savings being debased by the tax of monetary
inflation. Those that are worst affected by this
inflation tax are not the rich, they benefit; but the
poor and the barely well-off, which is why monetary
inflation undermines society and why the right to sound
money should be respected. If government gives itself a
monopoly over money, it has a duty to protect the
property rights vested in it.
2.
Secondly, it is a basic right for us to own our own
money rather than have it owned by the banks. For them
to take our money and expand credit on the back of it
debases it. It is an abuse of an individual’s property
rights and a banking licence is a government licence to
do so. If anyone else was to do this, they would be
guilty of fraud. Banks should be custodians of our
money, and it should not appear in their balance sheets
as their property.
If we
had stuck to these sound money principals, several
benefits automatically follow, some of which I will
briefly summarise for you, and I will have a little more
to say about them in a moment:
1.
With
sound money, governments cannot print money to fund
their activities, so the true cost of government becomes
apparent to the electorate.
The result is that in a democracy the electorate votes
for small government because profligate politicians
simply do not get elected. Indeed, we need sound money
for democracy to work.
2.
With
sound money, governments are unable to go to war without
taxpayers being conscious of the true cost.
This is a great incentive for peace and an electorate
that accepts the benefits of free markets, and therefore
peaceful trade, is less belligerent.
3.
With
sound money, savings are protected.
Prices tend to fall gradually over time, reflecting
improved efficiencies in production and of economic
progress generally. So the purchasing power of savings
increases over the years. For a pensioner, the
purchasing power of his savings grows. He can then
afford the healthcare he increasingly requires as he
ages, and he can afford to leave something for his
family when he dies. His savings work with his needs,
which is the opposite of the situation in our
inflation-ridden economies. In a sound money economy,
our pensioners look after themselves and need not be a
burden on the state.
4.
With
sound money, business cycles do not occur.
The business cycles we are familiar with are in fact
credit-driven cycles, the result of central banks
expanding money and overseeing bank credit. They are the
result of the misconception that monetary expansion
leads to growth. It doesn’t: it merely distorts the
economy by favouring a select few at the expense of the
many.
These
are just some of the benefits of sound money; benefits
we can only dream about today. So long as we have
unsound money we will have difficulties that will always
end in a crisis. Today, we have sunk to the point where
the answer to everything is found in more money and bank
credit instead of the genuine production of goods and
services.
The
long-term consequence of monetary inflation is that
voters now believe that a government always has the
money to provide everything they need. So they naturally
vote for more government. They do not question the
source of government’s money. They have also been
encouraged to believe that the freedom for everyone to
do what they want with their own money, only enriches
the few, when the opposite is the case. People have
become genuinely frightened by the thought of free
markets. For this reason, governments regulate most of
the private sector. Between government spending and
government regulation, the private sector is now
dominated by government interference. A minimal amount
of capitalism is tolerated in economies that are
otherwise socialistic; yet our ills are blamed on the
only part of the economy that actually works.
The
most effective curb on political ambition is sound
money. But we don’t have sound money. So government
abuses its monopoly power over the currency to pay for
its ambitions. Fiat money gives a free rein to the
ambitious politician. The First World War was made
possible by German economists, led by George Knapp, the
Keynes of his day. He showed the Kaiser the way to
finance a war without
increasing taxes. In the four years from 1913 the
Reichsbank increased paper money in circulation to pay
for 85% of Germany’s war expenditure for those years. Of
course, after that the script did not go to plan, and as
we all know it ended with the total collapse of the
currency in 1923.
Collapse the currency, and you collapse savings. Savings
today are continually devalued by the expansion of money
and credit. Only a fool lends his money for an interest
return, and savers are therefore forced to speculate to
protect themselves. The result is that there is now a
separate destabilising pool of foot-loose capital. It is
used by the financial engineers of Wall Street and the
City of London to offer higher speculative returns. It
has become the feedstock for spendthrift borrowers,
particularly governments, who have no intention of ever
repaying it.
The
damage of unsound money to business has been acute.
Business cycles are actually credit cycles, the result
of the central banks’ monetary policies.
It is easy to understand why
the expansion of money and credit drives us into cycles
of boom and bust – the exact opposite of what it is
meant to achieve.
Take the example of businesses operating with sound
money. A business developing a new product or improving
an existing one has to invest its own funds, or find a
lender with savings. In either case, this takes money
away from consumption, money that is reallocated into
savings and from there into the proposed investment. And
because this money is not spent on consumption, the
labour and raw materials required for any new project
become available. There is a shift of resources from
consumption into savings, from savings into investment,
and from there into capital goods. A balance is
maintained within the economy and there is no boom and
bust. It is a non-cyclical process, driven only by
peoples’ economic needs. Business activity is inherently
stable.
Now look at the situation when business investment is
financed by newly created money and bank credit instead
of savings. The process starts with the central bank
lowering interest rates. Cheap credit makes investment
appear attractive, so the businessman borrows to invest
in his business. But many other businessmen are
encouraged by the same cheap credit to do the same thing
at the same time.
Businesses start investing simultaneously. The
randomness has gone. But it gets worse: cheap money also
supports consumption, because saving money is less
attractive due to lower interest rates.
So our businessman has to bid up for labour, because it
hasn’t been released by lower consumption, and he is in
competition with the other businesses also taking
advantage of cheap credit. He has to pay up for raw
materials, for the same reasons. The combination of
industry and consumers responding to cheap finance, in
the short-term will drive the economy better. But with
no extra resources available, prices rise due to bunched
demand. And since the quantity of money in the economy
has increased, its purchasing-power also falls;
exacerbating price inflation even more.
And with prices now rising strongly, interest rates also
now rise from artificially low levels. Our businessman’s
plans are totally screwed. He got the cost of labour and
raw materials completely wrong, and because interest
rates have shot up, his Return-On-Investment
calculations turn out to be far too optimistic. And to
make matters worse, the deteriorating economic
conditions that follow, as surely as night follows day,
forces him to accept that his sales projections were
also too optimistic.
His fellow entrepreneurs are in the same boat.
Businesses start cutting back. They act as a crowd on
the way up and on the way down.
The essential point is fake money has created a business
cycle which didn’t exist before. It is never just a
question of central banks getting their timing wrong, as
many suppose.
The central bank then compounds the problems it has
created by again lowering interest rates with the
downturn. More than anything else it is scared of a fall
in GDP, so it cannot allow the distortions and false
investments of the earlier round of monetary stimulation
to unwind properly.
But next time round, the businessman is not so easily
tricked. He builds greater margins into his investment
calculations. So the economy becomes slower to respond
to a new, deeper round of interest rate cuts. The
central bank has to act more aggressively to create yet
more fake money, to get a result.
These credit expansions work like a ratchet, becoming
more destabilising over each credit cycle.
The businessman eventually wises up, overcomes his
patriotic instincts and moves his manufacturing to
somewhere where at least some of the factors of
production are available. He needs to plan for ten,
fifteen, twenty years. He cannot afford to ride
destructive credit-driven cycles of three or four years.
It is cheaper for him to build a factory in the jungle
and train up hard-working natives. It is unsound money
that has driven him abroad more than any other factor.
Over a number of these credit cycles, the economy in
countries with falling savings, like the US and UK,
becomes more and more dependent on consumption, and less
and less on manufacturing.
And eventually, to encourage GDP growth, consumers are
encouraged to actually borrow to spend and abandon
saving altogether. So on every credit cycle, savings
diminish and debt increases, finally accelerating to
unsustainable levels of debt. And that is where we
arrived in 2008. That marked the end of the road for the
post-war Keynesian experiment.
So
understanding our economic condition from a sound money
perspective gives us a unique viewpoint. It makes it
easier to see through the fog of weak money. It also
allows us to see through the problems posed by
reconciling contrary statistics. And it is here that the
establishment deludes itself as well as the rest of us.
The
abuse of the GDP statistic is the most important
delusion of all, because all economic policy is directed
at ensuring it grows. But we must stop and think what it
actually represents. GDP is not economic output, it is
its money-value, which is a very different thing. It
gives us no information about the relative values of the
goods and services that constitute the economy.
It is
crucial to appreciate this distinction, so by way of
explanation let us again assume sound money. This is
like an economy operating with gold as money and without
credit expansion. To keep it simple, assume that trade
is in balance, and there are no net capital flows to or
from other countries. Therefore, at the end of the year,
there is exactly the same amount of money, or gold, as
there was at the start of the year.
What
does this mean for GDP? It is exactly the same of
course, irrespective of actual economic activity. It
doesn’t matter how much people save, because those
savings are reapplied into the production of capital
goods. The rest goes on consumption. It really doesn’t
matter what proportion is private sector and how much is
government. But if you start with a million ounces of
gold, after a year you still have a million ounces of
gold. The only difference is what a million ounces buys.
The reconciliation between the start and the end of the
year is obviously a combination of prices and how
efficiently the available gold is deployed.
In
practice, human nature constantly strives for
improvement, so over a period of time in a free market
the purchasing power of sound money increases. This was
borne out by the experience of Britain, which went on
the gold standard in 1821 and only went off it before
the First World War. During that time, Britain freed up
her economy by dropping tariffs and other restrictions
on free trade, and we became the most powerful nation on
earth. The purchasing power of the gold sovereign
increased substantially over those ninety-odd years.
So if
we look at how an economy operates in a sound-money
environment, we see that the benefits of free-markets
flow to consumers, savers and businesses. We can see
that any attempt to measure these benefits by changes in
GDP are simply absurd. It therefore follows that any
change in GDP represents a change in the quantity of
money in an economy and not of the level of production.
Now,
for some of us this is quite a discovery. We are so used
to thinking that GDP is the economy that government
policies are now entirely focused on boosting it,
mistaking it for the economy itself. It justifies
mainstream macro-economic theory, because within that
money identity, there is no differentiation between good
and bad deployment of economic resources. This, in the
minds of most economists, is why badly targeted
government spending is no different from the productive
private sector’s use of economic resources. It persuades
Keynesians and Monetarists that injecting government
spending into an economy or expanding the quantity of
money in the economy is a valid route to recovery.
Understand this error and you understand why
unemployment in the United States is already at
depression levels, but according to the GDP statistic
you have only just arrived at the brink of a possible
economic downturn. Understand this error, and you
understand the frantic attempts to get more money and
credit into the economy rather than address the real
issues. Understand the error of confusing the condition
of an economy with its accounting identity and
understand the policy mistakes yet to be made.
So we
can see that governments are doing just about everything
wrong. They have completely failed to understand the
productive difference between free markets and
government intervention. They have no knowledge of the
real cost of diminishing the productive private sector,
to pay for the unproductive public sector. The
activities of central banks have encouraged boom-bust
cycles that have led to the accumulation of debt in both
private and public sectors to the point where it has
finally become unsustainable. In the process, they have
destroyed savings, which are the necessary
pre-requisite, the bed-rock for any sustainable
recovery.
This
is the background to today’s crisis. Governments
everywhere are now trying to borrow the largest amounts
of money in history, all at the same time. And to those
who say that global savings are high, I say those
savings are in the hands of the Chinese and Indian
workers, who wisely are more likely to buy gold and
silver than our government debt.
Governments are now waking up to the fact that real
economic growth is disappearing far into the future and
taking their hoped-for tax revenues with it. The
debt-trap has snapped firmly shut. Some countries, such
as the Eurozone members, who cannot print money to
finance themselves, are simply the first victims of the
imbalance between the financing requirements of
governments and the available capital. Others, such as
the UK and US, who can print money, do so to defer
funding problems and keep their borrowing costs low; but
it is only a matter of time before they are found out.
Price
inflation will put an end to these artificially low bond
yields, if markets don’t first: it has always been this
way in the past and now is no different. We already see
prices measured in paper currencies rising everywhere.
Commodity prices are reflecting the increased quantities
of paper money and credit. Prices of essentials, such as
food and energy, have been rising sharply. But there are
still people who think that the risk is deflation not
inflation. Presumably the Fed thinks so, since it has
stated that it expects interest rates to stay at close
to zero until mid-2013. They will be in for a shock, and
here’s why.
They
are about to learn the difference between sound money
and their fiat money. Real money cannot be issued by
central banks. Fiat money is an undated interest-free
claim on a government whose central bank merely tells us
that it is money. The difference is important, because
in a depression, the purchasing power of real money,
measured in goods, increases. In the same depression the
purchasing power of fake money falls with the financial
condition of the issuing government and with its
accelerating supply. This is the dynamic behind the rise
in the price of gold over the last decade.
The
rising inflation I’ve talked about is measured in fiat
money. The rise will accelerate because when you are in
a debt trap the only way bills get paid is to issue
increasing quantities of fiat money and to borrow. And
remember, in a depression tax revenues collapse, while
social security costs escalate. To defer the “Grecian
moment” we have become unhappily familiar with, both the
US and the UK will require more fiat money and bank
credit than we can imagine.
So
what those who worry about a depression haven’t noticed,
is that we have been in one for some time. That comes of
confusing GDP with real goods and services. Produce
enough fake money and GDP looks good. What doesn’t is
the level of unemployment. Doubtless George Knapp –
remember him? The German predecessor to Keynes? – Knapp
would have felt good that German GDP from 1920 to1923
looked fantastic. But then there was the small matter of
a collapse in the fiat money of the day, and GDP hadn’t
yet been invented anyway.
Today
people are stumbling towards an awareness of some of
these problems. Most visible to everyone so far is the
parlous state of the banks. While it would be foolish to
completely discount systemic risk, we should bear in
mind two things. Firstly, the central banks are now very
aware of this risk, which is different from the time of
the Bear Sterns and Lehman collapses. So you can
reasonably bet that every scenario that frightens us has
been anticipated. The banks themselves are now acutely
aware of counterparty risk. Secondly, the evolution of
banking over the years has given central banks enormous
control over their banking systems. It is wrong to think
that you can compare the situation today to that of the
banking crisis triggered by the collapse of Kredit
Anstalt in 1931. The ECB in Europe only has to stand by
with unlimited funds when necessary. Indeed, there has
been a run on the Greek banks for at least the last
eighteen months without systemic failure. All that is
required is for the ECB to make its fiat money available
in sufficient quantities.
In a
few months we will enter 2012. The immediate stresses of
today will probably diminish when enough fiat money has
been thrown at them. So to my mind the two biggest
headaches for next year will be increasing price
inflation, the result of too much paper money chasing
too few goods if you like, and rising interest rates. I
do not expect the Fed to keep its promise of zero rates
into 2013. I do expect them to blame unexpected
stagflation.
And
finally, we must understand that when it comes to
resolving our current difficulties, the order of events
is bound to be crisis first, solution second. I wish it
could be the other way round, but that is the political
reality. What we must do meanwhile is get the message
home why the establishment has got its macroeconomics so
wrong, and why the only solution is to progress towards
sound money.
Today
I have only focused on two aspects of the problem: the
destabilising effects of credit-driven business cycles,
and the misapplication of a statistic, GDP, which should
have no importance whatsoever. There is much, much more
in this sorry tale. I have touched on the role of
savings, without going into how their destruction
through monetary inflation is now bankrupting
governments. I have not gone into the fallacies
surrounding trade imbalances, which are always the
result of unsound money. I have not asked how we are to
feed our elderly and poor, who have become reliant on
government pensions and hand-outs, which governments can
increasingly ill-afford.
Please just accept, even if you don’t follow my
analysis, that sound money guarantees a stable yet
progressive economy where people are truly equal. It
allows people to save properly for their retirement so
that they will not become a burden on the state. It
leads to democracy voting for small governments. It
encourages peaceful trade and discourages war. It is the
only path, after this mess, that leads us to
long-lasting and peaceful prosperity. We really need
everyone to understand this for the sake of our future.
Thank
you.